By Crocker, Betty
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Mayer, Naoru Koizumi, and Ammar Anees Malik and those living under governments that granted more freedom tended to oppose torture. National economic development, however, showed no relationship to torture opinion. National experience of terrorism, surprisingly, also had no influence on opinion about torture of terrorists. Also, living in a country that was in the middle of a war, or had been so recently, caused respondents to oppose torture. Finally, while a number of individual-level demographic and attitudinal variables were influential on torture opinion when national-level variables were not included, in a nested hierarchical linear model (HLM) used in the final analysis, most of them became insignificant, except age, sex, and trust in government.
It did this through movies, talk shows, and TV series like 24. Our study does not test this directly. But the partisan breakdown of torture approval does offer indirect evidence that this claim is likely to be false. All of the movement toward torture approval has been among Republicans and Independents. Democratic-leaning respondents have been basically unmoved for over a decade. In other words, if the media was indeed responsible for growing torture approval, then we would expect all boats to rise equally—that is, torture approval would increase as rapidly among Democrats as Republicans and Independents.
What did happen is that the euphemisms garnered more support from Republicans and Independents, and it seems reasonable to think that politicians were shoring up their base against public outcry and condemnation from Democrats and human rights critics and they did this by providing legal justifications using euphemisms. This requires making no complex assumptions about the cynical motives of politicians and it fits the available documentary record. The more promising approach is to ask what factors led to the growing approval of torture among Republicans and Independents.
Betty Crocker's festive fixin's with a foreign flair by Crocker, Betty