By Matthew Parish
Following the brutal wars which raged within the former Yugoslavia within the early Nineties, Bosnia and Herzegovina was once awkwardly partitioned into governing entities: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska. yet there has been one a part of the rustic which may now not be geared up into both class: the Breko District, a strategically severe land-bridge among the 2 components of the Bosnian Serb territory. This quarter used to be the topic of a hugely strange test: put lower than a regime of the world over supervised executive, Breko grew to become a ""free city,"" evoking the reminiscence of Trieste or Danzig within the nineteenth century. What has this test in state-building printed concerning the background of this stricken nook of the Balkans - and its destiny? What classes could be utilized to clash solution in different elements of the area? And used to be the test profitable or have the electorate of Breko suffered additional by the hands of the overseas neighborhood? A unfastened urban within the Balkans investigates the increase and fall of Breko and post-war Bosnia and investigates what classes should be realized for foreign peacekeeping missions elsewhere.
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Additional info for A Free City in the Balkans: Reconstructing a Divided Society in Bosnia (International Library of War Studies)
The story of the rapid collapse of that office is one of the most intriguing details in the story of post-war international intervention in Bosnia and it illuminates much of the theoretical narrative about the potential failings of international organisations set out in this chapter. For now, this chapter comprises sufficient theorising and generalisations about both the peculiar country of Bosnia and the curious organisation that has run it since 1996. His (or her) appetite having been whetted with allusions to the radical and the unusual, it is hoped that the reader will now want to delve into the fascinating detail.
The partition theorist ought not be characterised as immoral or racist. Rather his is a position of profound pessimism about human nature and incentives. Viewing intractable ethnic conflicts through the lens of history, (s)he simply does not believe there is anything that can be done to resolve them short of the most radical medicine of physical separation of violent people. It is all too easy for a natural sense of collective identity to spiral down into animus for others. There is something almost primordial in ethnic identity that mankind is unable to overcome: a preference to associate with others like oneself and to shun difference.
20 To understand the background to these criticisms, one needs to be acquainted with some of the more theoretical distinctions drawn in the academic literature on international relations. International relations theorists have traditionally divided themselves into two camps that have come to be known as realism and liberalism. 21 However, the broad difference can be stated fairly simply. 22 By contrast liberalism, associated in the first instance with US President Woodrow Wilson, sees states as having moral preferences that may be distinct from pursuit of their own self-interest, and those preferences may motivate their conduct.
A Free City in the Balkans: Reconstructing a Divided Society in Bosnia (International Library of War Studies) by Matthew Parish